{"id":62480,"date":"2024-02-20T15:44:45","date_gmt":"2024-02-20T02:44:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.greenpeace.org\/aotearoa\/?p=62480"},"modified":"2024-07-12T09:42:54","modified_gmt":"2024-07-11T21:42:54","slug":"unravelling-treaty-waitangi-debate-words-matter-but-so-does-history","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.greenpeace.org\/aotearoa\/story\/unravelling-treaty-waitangi-debate-words-matter-but-so-does-history\/","title":{"rendered":"Unravelling the Treaty of Waitangi debate: words matter, but so does history"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Since Te Tiriti o Waitangi was signed, there have been innumerable acts of Parliament, judicial decisions, Waitangi Tribunal reports and acts of government based on the understanding that Article 2 of te Tiriti was a promise by the Crown to M\u0101ori, and only M\u0101ori, to protect their rangatiratanga over their whenua (land), kainga (homes), and other taonga.<\/p>\n\n

ACT\u2019s referendum proposal <\/a>depends on a different interpretation. Te Tiriti (the binding reo M\u0101ori text signed at Waitangi) records the Article 2 guarantees as being for \u201cnga Rangatira ki nga hapu-ki nga tangata katoa o Nu Tirani,\u201d or \u201cthe chiefs, the subtribes and all the people of New Zealand\u201d.<\/p>\n\n

ACT says that Article 2 enshrines property rights for literally \u201cevery New Zealander\u201d. But does a literalist\u2019s understanding in 2024 of words used in 1840 really reflect what was intended by the parties to te Tiriti?<\/p>\n\n

The English language drafts that preceded te Tiriti shed light on British intentions. They state that Article 2 is for the benefit of \u201cthe Chiefs and Tribes of New Zealand and to the respective families and individuals thereof\u201d: M\u0101ori. Why, then, does Article 2 of te Tiriti make promises to \u201cnga tangata katoa o Nu Tirani\u201d or \u201call the people of New Zealand\u201d?<\/p>\n\n

In 1840, according to the Oxford English dictionary, the meaning of \u201cNew Zealander\u201d was \u201ca M\u0101ori person\u201d. To the same effect, the Oxford Dictionary of New Zealand English defines \u201cNew Zealander\u201d as \u201cM\u0101ori\u201d in early usage, noting that \u201cwith increasing European settlement after 1840, the term widened in application to include non-Maori immigrants\u201d. British immigrants born or resident in New Zealand were \u201cBritish subjects\u201d before and after te Tiriti; New Zealand was a colony of Britain until 1947. It was not until 1948 that people born in New Zealand became New Zealand, not British, citizens.<\/p>\n\n

This early distinction between \u201cNew Zealanders\u201d (M\u0101ori) and \u201cBritish subjects\u201d matches the historical record leading to the signing of te Tiriti.<\/p>\n\n

\"Reconstruction
Reconstruction of the Signing of the Treaty of Waitangi – Marcus King<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n

The Colonial Office was the arm of British Government that set the boundaries and pre-conditions for the negotiation of a treaty by Governor Hobson. In December 1837 the head of the British Colonial Office said in correspondence on these issues: \u201cIt is difficult or impossible to find in the History of British Colonization an Example of a Colony having ever been founded in derogation of such Rights, whether of Sovereignty or Property, as are those of the Chiefs and People of New Zealand\u2026 Great Britain has no legal or moral right to establish a Colony in New Zealand, without the free consent of the Natives\u2026 To impart to any Individuals an Authority to establish such a Colony, without first ascertaining the consent of the New Zealanders\u2026 [would be] an unrighteous use of our superior Power.\u201d<\/p>\n\n

In 1832 a representative of the King of England corresponded with 13 rangatira from the north. The rangatira requested that the King take action to prevent British settlers in New Zealand harming M\u0101ori. The King declined at that time \u201c\u2026to afford his protection to the inhabitants of New Zealand, against any acts of outrage which may be attempted against them by British subjects\u2026\u201d.<\/p>\n\n

Henry Williams\u2019 translation to M\u0101ori of this response renders the phrase \u201cthe harmful deeds of British Subjects\u201d as \u201cnga mahi kino o nga tangata o Ingarani\u201d, or \u201cthe harmful deeds of the people of England.\u201d In translating \u201cthe inhabitants of New Zealand\u201d, against whom those misdeeds were directed (i.e M\u0101ori), he uses the phrase \u201cnga tangata o Nu Tirani\u201d; \u201cthe people of New Zealand\u201d.<\/p>\n\n

Henry Williams\u2019 1832 translation is not his most well-known work. He was the principal translator of the English language drafts of the Treaty into the reo M\u0101ori text that was signed at Waitangi on February 6, 1840, assisted by his son Edward.<\/p>\n\n

Article 2 of te Tiriti records guarantees being made to \u201cnga tangata katoa o Nu Tirani\u201d. This can be rendered into English as \u201call the people of New Zealand,\u201d but in Williams\u2019 1832 and 1840 translations both \u201cnga tangata katoa o Nu Tirani\u201d and \u201call the people of New Zealand\u201d meant M\u0101ori.<\/p>\n\n

\"M\u0101ori
M\u0101ori land march, 1975 On 13 October 1975, a hikoi of 5,000 marchers arrived at Parliament to protest the ongoing alienation of M\u0101ori land.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n

Article 2 was intended to guarantee property rights to M\u0101ori, not British subjects, and not \u201call New Zealanders\u201d in the sense we understand in 2024.<\/p>\n\n

Reflecting this, one of the Crown\u2019s early post-Treaty acts was to reverse some unfair pre-Treaty land transactions with British subjects. That process was planned well before te Tiriti, was promised (in more emphatic terms) to M\u0101ori in the discussions leading to te Tiriti, and could not have been done if British subjects\u2019 pre-Tiriti property rights were guaranteed by Article 2.<\/p>\n\n

ACT\u2019s proposed bill has many problems (imagine trying to redefine a tax treaty by referendum), but at its heart it involves an apparent misunderstanding of what Article 2 means.<\/p>\n\n

Perhaps underlying that misunderstanding is a belief that a just application of te Tiriti requires equal treatment.<\/p>\n\n

Legal rights are often conferred unequally without objection (for example, rights of access to land in New Zealand favour landowners).<\/p>\n\n

In the context of te Tiriti, ACT has suggested it is objectionable to give M\u0101ori unequal rights simply because they are M\u0101ori.<\/p>\n\n

Article 2 guarantees were not offered to M\u0101ori because they were M\u0101ori, though. They were offered because M\u0101ori had (in English terms) important and valuable control, ownership and other interests in property.<\/p>\n\n

As the Colonial office observed in 1837, prior to 1840, M\u0101ori between themselves had sovereignty and \u201cproperty\u201d over New Zealand. It was those rights that Article 2 of te Tiriti addresses.<\/p>\n\n

The Crown guaranteed to M\u0101ori that their rangatiratanga\/sovereignty and other property rights would not be disturbed, and in return M\u0101ori signatories agreed (amongst other things) that the Crown would exercise kawanatanga\/governorship and would be the first purchaser of land they wished to sell.<\/p>\n\n

The Crown\u2019s Article 2 guarantees would not have been given unless honouring them legally, strategically, politically, and perhaps morally, benefited the Crown and so P\u0101keh\u0101. That much, at least, has not changed.<\/p>\n\n

Michael Heard is a lawyer with experience litigating constitutional and Treaty of Waitangi issues.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n

This article was originally published in The Post<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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